Wage subsidy programmes
Wage subsidy programmes offer payment to employers who agree to employ people from a specific social group who might otherwise struggle to access the labour market.
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CloseThe research suggests that wage subsidy programmes are likely to have a low positive impact The impact rating indicates whether interventions of this kind, on average, make it more likely that young people will get a job afterwards. This rating is based on the level of impact that youth employment interventions can generally be expected to have. More information can be found in the Toolkit Technical Guide on youth employment outcomes.
The evidence suggests that in general the benefits of wage subsidy programmes tend to outweigh the costs.
Wage subsidy programmes offer payment to employers who agree to employ people from a specific social group who might otherwise struggle to access the labour market.
The subsidy usually covers some (or, less commonly, all) of the wage and non-wage costs of employing a young person. The subsidy can be made as a direct payment to the employer, or as a reduction in the employer’s payroll tax or National Insurance/social security contributions. Less commonly, it can be paid directly to the employee as part of their wage. Subsidies can be used to cover vacancies that arise within the workplace, or to create new vacancies. Wage subsidy interventions tend to offer short-term work experience, which over time will help young people to secure longer-term employment.
Wage subsidy programmes are typically provided by governments through public employment services, with the main goal of incentivising employers to hire members of a defined target group. Well-known examples in the UK include:
Some key design choices for wage subsidy programmes include:
Information on programme costs is available for the two UK programmes included in the research for the Toolkit. The evidence, albeit limited, on the cost of providing wage subsidy programmes is generally positive, with the benefits tending to outweigh the costs. For the periods in which these programmes are needed, wage subsidy schemes tend to be efficient and have good affordability.
The cost rating for wage subsidy programmes is high.
A study of the New Deal for Young People found that the social benefits of the intervention exceeded the social costs per additional employee. The latter were estimated at less than £4,000 per participant (this relates to the whole programme rather than just the wage subsidy element). An initial cost-benefit analysis suggested that it was worth continuing the programme solely based on its efficiency.
The evaluation of the Future Jobs Fund found substantial financial benefits of the programme for participants, employers, and the Exchequer.
The research suggests that wage subsidy programmes are likely to have a low positive impact on youth employment outcomes.
The research suggests that, on average, for every 33 young people who can take part in a programme, one will get a job who wouldn’t have done so without the intervention.
The confidence interval Indicates the precision of a statistical estimate. The ‘confidence interval’ is the range within which the vast majority of values for a population (such as the people who experience an intervention) are likely to occur identified for this estimate means that this number could vary between about 25 and 46.
You can find details of individual studies of evaluations of wage subsidy programmes, as well as other systematic reviews of youth employment evaluations, in the Youth Employment Evidence and Gap Map.
The strenght of the evidence The evidence strength rating reflects the number of studies that included the intervention and the design and approach to reporting of these studies. More information can be found in the Toolkit Technical Guide for the impact of wage subsidy programmes on youth employment compared to The terms ‘business as usual’/‘services as usual’ refer to the provisions that an individual would have received had they not been enrolled in that particular intervention. In experimental designs they are used to signify what happens in the absence of a studied intervention. is low.
Of the four studies included in the meta-analysis, one was rated as ‘high confidence’, one was rated as ‘moderate confidence’, and two were rated as ‘low confidence’.
Overall, the evidence base on the impact of wage subsidy programmes on youth employment in high-income countries is limited in terms of scope and study design. The nature of the programmes means that trials are rarely used to evaluate their impact. As with many youth employment interventions, evidence for long-term outcomes is also very limited. In general the existing evidence sets out a mixed picture of effect but leans towards the positive impact of these policies.
This highlights the need for further impact evaluations examining the relationship between participation in subsidised employment interventions and youth employment outcomes in the UK. Future research should explore potential barriers to participant success, including skills levels on entry, previous work experience, and social disadvantage. The impact of the length of time in subsidised work on outcomes should also be examined.
These findings are supported by five additional evaluations of wage subsidy interventions that were not eligible for inclusion in the meta-analysis because of various features of their design or other factors.
The evaluations included in the meta-analysis are:
Some contextual factors are relevant to the impacts of wage subsidy interventions:
Wage subsidy programmes make it easier for young people who are at risk of disadvantage in the labour market to get a job. They do this by reducing the costs and risks to employers of taking on a young person, especially one with limited work experience and/or qualifications. This allows the employer the opportunity to get to know the young person better and learn how they might fit longer term in the role or organisation, while providing an opportunity for the young person to acquire skills and experience.
Once they have become employed in a subsidised job, young people should gain skills and experience that will make it easier for them to gain work in the longer-term. This may include a job in the organisation that employs them as part of the intervention, such as the continuation of their subsidised role on a permanent basis without a subsidy. Young people may also be able to access better career paths through the skills and experience acquired through the employment provided by wage subsidy schemes.
Building employer engagement
Effective wage subsidy interventions use a level of subsidy that is affordable for both government (central and/or local) and employers, to maximise incentives and minimise risks to employers. Employers need to know about subsidies and their potential benefits, and how to apply. Highly bureaucratic application procedures for employers could reduce the appeal of the initiative. Employers must also be willing to recruit young people from the target groups.
If employers use the same recruitment criteria for subsidised opportunities as they would for regular recruitment, this can limit opportunities for certain groups of young people who typically face marginalisation in the labour market. For example, this approach can be challenging for young people who have been in contact with the criminal justice system.
Evidence from the New Deal for Young People shows that younger age groups, disabled people and those from ethnic minority backgrounds were less likely to participate in subsidised employment opportunities, compared to other pathways offered by the programme. This may have been driven in part by employer attitudes towards taking on these groups of young people.
Incentives, costs, and risks to employer participation
Incentives may help to get employers involved in wage subsidy programmes, especially if they are also required to provide some training for recruits.
To maximise employer participation, the wage subsidies offered to employers must be big enough to act as an incentive and to reduce risks to the employers. The evidence shows that employers engage with wage subsidy programmes as a relatively risk-free way to ‘try out’ young people in the workplace.
Additional support available for basic and employability skills
Some evidence suggests that young people who are more ‘work-ready’ can gain greater benefits from wage subsidy interventions. Providing additional support for basic and broader employability skills, within the design of the wage subsidy programme, can help to maximise opportunities for young people who are at greater risk of marginalisation, especially where these groups are the ‘target’ of the intervention.
Candidates for subsidised roles can also benefit from preparation activities before they apply to and enter subsidised jobs. Young people who get a job through a wage subsidy intervention can improve their prospects for future employment where ‘wraparound’ vocational training is offered.
Young people also benefit from diverse opportunities within a wage subsidy programme, by gaining a greater range of experiences of the workplace and sector.
Creating sustainable, long-term employment opportunities
The research shows that wage subsidy programmes have a greater impact on youth employment where programmes emphasise the creation of jobs that are sustainable beyond the subsidised period. This may involve adjusting the design and creation of the job opportunities themselves, or the kinds of support provided alongside subsidised employment. Trusted, ongoing in-work support can help to retain young people in employment, by working with the young person and the employer.
Creating opportunities that match with the local labour market
To make sure that young people can access sustainable employment, opportunities created by wage subsidy programmes need to match the occupations and/or industries that are in demand in the local labour market. Place-based partnerships between public, private and third sector organisations (at city or sub-regional level) are important in ensuring that this is the case. Place-focused partnerships can generate opportunities that are consistent with local labour market needs. For example, a focus on the ‘functional economy’ of places (considering e.g., travel-to-work zones) can increase the creation of suitable opportunities.
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